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Flu Vaccine Preparedness Press Kit
| Drug Safety News
Editorial Boards Nationwide Have Criticized Efforts to
Give Broad Liability Protections to Vaccine Makers
San Jose Mercury News: A sneaky handout to makers
of vaccines
In the dead of the night Sunday, Sen. Bill Frist, R-Tenn.,
used his power as Senate majority leader to attach liability
protections for pharmaceutical companies making flu vaccines
to the Defense Appropriations Bill, which funds military operations
in Iraq and Afghanistan
If you are struggling to see the
connection between liability protections for vaccine makers
and military funding, join the growing line. [December
21, 2005]
The Washington Post: A Bad Finish
As unattractive as the substantive choices lawmakers
made were the procedures they resorted to. Drug companies were
given special protection against lawsuits for flu vaccinesa
provision put in the defense spending bill after members of
the conference committee signed what was supposed to be the
final agreement. Whether or not this provision is a good idea,
it's not one that should be crammed into a take-it-or-leave-it,
must-pass measure without a single member of Congress having
a separate chance to consider its wisdom. [December 21,
2005]
Houston Chronicle: Wrong prescription: Vaccine bill
would block media scrutiny and exempt drug companies from legal
challenges.
With Congress rushing to adjourn for the holidays, Frist
attached his bill to the defense spending authorization to prevent
colleagues from voting against it. Manipulating such a controversial
measure to avoid debate on its merits reinforces the appearance
that this is a sweetheart deal for a powerful industry lobby
at the expense of the American people. [December 20, 2005]
Milwalkee Journal Sentinel: Immunizing the drug-makers.
While it's reasonable to have some liability protections
in place for drug companies against frivolous lawsuits, consumer
advocates, including the Center for Justice and Democracy, argue
convincingly that this legal shield, which would get triggeredby
a declaration of emergency from the secretary of health and
human services, amounts to blanket immunity. Injured parties
would have to prove that the companies engaged in "willful"
misconduct or neglectan exceedingly difficult task.
[December 20, 2005]
The News & Observer (Raleigh, NC): Wrong-way immunity
With the measure stalled in the Senate, the sponsors
[of a bill originally introduced by Republican Sen. Richard
Burr of North Carolina] appear intent on trying to pass it as
a rider to the defense appropriations bill. This kind of end
run around fuller consideration would be a mistake.The Senate
especially needs a more complete exposition of the Burr bill's
proposal that the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development
Agency (BARDA) be exempt from the Freedom of Information Act.
Even more sweeping is a provision empowering the new agency
to shield from any legal action those producing vaccines, drugs,
medical equipment or other products turned out to combat pandemics
or bioterrorism. Such a broad exemption from liability is hardly
justified on the record. A study reported by the Journal of
the American Medical Association found, for example, that there
had been only 10 lawsuits in 20 years over flu vaccines. Drug
companies don't get out of the vaccine business because of liability,
the study's authors said, but because of low profit margins
and unpredictable demand. These are two factors that clearly
should be more fully dealt with in any legislation to spur the
production of vaccines, for instance, for an avian-flu pandemic.
[December 16, 2005]
Detroit Free Press: Vaccine Makers: Lawmakers serve
people, not drug companies
As panicky as Americans may some day become about getting
vaccinated against bird flu, that urgency does not translate
into walling off vaccine makers from lawsuits or invoking secrecy
around medical research. Attempts to add those measures to year-end
bills piling up in Congress are subterfuges to dodge the full
debate that would probably sink them.
Shielding drug
companies completely could undermine confidence in the vaccines
they do develop for an epidemic, which would heighten the risk
if bird flu mutates into a form easily transmitted from human
to human.
Congress needs to remember that its first responsibility
is to the health of people in this country, not to the companies
that get contracts to help protect it. [December 15, 2005]
The New York Times: The Stealth Liability Provision
Republicans are using the last days of this Congressional
session to try to grant extraordinary liability protection to
the drug companies that will make the vaccines and other medicines
to combat a possible influenza pandemic. But they have been
slow to mount a comparable effort to help the people who may
be harmed by adverse side effects.
Republican leaders
would allow suits only if there was willful misconduct. The
companies could be reckless or grossly negligent and escape
responsibility. As for victims' compensation, the Republicans
have been vague and secretive, but claim that they will produce
a fair and robust compensation system. Their provision is expected
to be attached to a defense appropriations bill that is now
before a conference committee and, once approved, cannot be
amended on the floor. The conferees ought to shun that provision
and leave the complexities to fuller discussion early next year.
[December 14, 2005]
The Orlando Sentinel: Drug firms don't deserve virtually
unlimited protection against vaccine lawsuits.
The leading proposal in Congress, from Senate Majority
Leader Bill Frist, would bar lawsuits except where a manufacturer's
willful misconduct caused injuries or deaths. That standard
is much too permissive; it would even shield manufacturers in
cases of gross negligence, such as failing to follow normal
safety procedures. Yet Mr. Frist's proposal would not set up
an alternative system to compensate victims of severe reactions,
which are inevitable in any mass vaccination. Congress made
the same mistake preparing for a swine flu pandemic in 1976.
That program collapsed amid widespread fears about harm from
the vaccine. The country was lucky the pandemic never materialized.
Congress gave lawsuit protections to childhood-vaccine manufacturers
in 1986, but wisely created a compensation system for severe
reactions. Rep. Dave Weldon, a Palm Bay Republican and doctor,
is rightly concerned that the lack of a system for a bird-flu
vaccine could deter doctors and others on the front lines in
a pandemic from getting vaccinated. [December 13, 2005]
The Des Moines Register: Drug makers don't need gift
President Bush and Congress are trying to give a Christmas
present to one of their favorite industries -the drug makers.
Senate legislation seeks to create a new government division
within the Department of Health and Human Services with the
power to shield drug companies from lawsuits. The legislation
would allow drug makers to create a product with no threat of
civil accountability - even if they're negligent. That's wrong
on its face. But there's also no reason for doing it. The motivation
appears to be based on an untruth repeated recently by President
Bush. Last month, when he outlined a prevention plan for an
avian-flu outbreak, he also called on Congress to remove
one of the greatest obstacles to domestic vaccine production:
the growing burden of litigation. He said the industry
had been flooded with lawsuits. In an independent
review of jury verdicts and judicial decisions for cases involving
flu vaccine, two Harvard researchers found 10 suits in the past
20 years. Just 10. The industry doesn't need protection from
litigation -or any more gifts from its friends in Washington.
[December 9, 2005]
The Las Vegas Sun: Vaccines and accountability: Bush's
proposal to shield avian-flu vaccine makers from liability invites
health problems
He is asking Congress to absolve the manufacturers of
vaccines from all legal liability, meaning they couldn't be
sued if people who took the vaccines died or suffered physical
harm. We believe this aspect of the plan needs a hard look by
Congress. Is there really a good reason to remove accountability
from manufacturers of drugs that are intended to safeguard the
whole country, if not the whole world? We believe that a solid
shield against legal action could lead to a lowering of safety
standards by manufacturing executives, who will be under pressure
to rush vaccines into production. If the manufacturers want
protection from widespread bad outcomes, let them buy insurance.[November
02, 2005]
Minneapolis Star Tribune: Tort shield is wrong defense
against flu
The premise behind the liability shield is familiar,
even plausible: American drugmakers have been pulling out of
the vaccine business for the last 20 years, and fear of lawsuits
must be one reason. But that argument falls apart on close examination.
A recent study in the Journal of the American Medical Association
found only 10 lawsuits in the last 20 years over flu vaccines;
the authors have concluded that drug companies withdrew from
the vaccine business mainly because of low-profit margins and
unpredictable demand. In fact, shielding drug manufacturers
from lawsuits could actually reduce the number of Americans
who get flu shots in an emergency. That's not the trial lawyers
talking; it's the American Nurses Association, Consumers Union
and the American Public Health Association, groups that oppose
the liability shield. Why? Every vaccine, no matter how effective,
will cause side effects or adverse reactions in a small number
of patients. Public-health experts know this, and they say there
must be some way to reassure or compensate those who might be
injured.
Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., has been arguing
for months that the VIC, or something like it, should be extended
to any new federal pandemic vaccine campaign. Instead, a handful
of senators are clinging to the broad liability shield and planning
to attach it to a defense spending bill that Congress must pass
this month. That would be a shameless favor to the drug industry
and a dangerous sellout of public health. [December 7,
2005]
The Times-Tribune (Scranton, PA): Pandering pandemic
Fear of an avian flue pandemic has driven the government
to find ways to increase the production of vaccines while improving
monitoring and detection technology. Unfortunately, the prospect
of a pandemic also is being used in Congress to pander to the
pharmaceutical industry. The Biodefense and Pandemic Vaccine
and Drug Development Act of 2005 would create a new federal
agency that would be exempt from public disclosure laws, while
superseding many of the functions now handled by public agencies
such as the National Institutes of Health and the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention. It would have the power to designate
certain drugs as exempt from civil liability litigation.
Congress
should not use legitimate concerns about a flu pandemic as a
wedge to protect all drug manufacturers from liability. Members
should get a copy of the most recent issue of the New England
Journal of Medicine, which accuses Merck of misrepresenting
the results of clinical trials of Vioxx, the anti-inflammatory
medicine that was pulled from the market this year. [December
12, 2005]
The Vindicator (Youngstown, OH): Trading on fear to
pass vaccine legislation is wrong.
When legislators start playing on the worst fears of
people, the people should be worried. And when legislators begin
attaching complex legislation with far-reaching effects to must-pass
bills a tactic designed to grease the way for passage
with virtually no debate people should be alarmed. The
American people should be both worried and alarmed by the efforts
of Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist to ram through legislation
in the name of protecting the nation from a bird flu epidemic.
The bill would not only indemnify the pharmaceutical industry
from suits involving death, disability or sickness resulting
from the use of pandemic flu vaccines, but would create a new
secret bureaucracy to shield the governments health decisions
from public scrutiny. [December 13, 2005]
Updated December 21, 2005 |